The Vice Presidency has often appeared to be a coveted waiting period for men who intend on filling the highest executive seat in the United States. Generations since our founding we can safely admit that many still have occupied the office without aspiration. However, if the states were determined to be led by a hero as their first president, would not the very creation of a secondary office forever leave the Vice President, no matter his prior merit, as a shadow of greater men? Who would be credible enough to lead a country, yet submissive enough to fade into the background? With no patterns to follow, John Adams became the first historical character to accept this appointment. The Election of 1788 thus became a mix of emotion and unexpected controversy that would quickly cast the man and the office as merely an understudy to someone of greater importance.

Framers of the constitution deliberated for less than one day on whether or not to create this substitution title. Benjamin Franklin’s opposition had little effect on the assembly so as to discourage its establishment.1 Article I, Section 3 introduces readers to the Vice Presidency before they have even seen mention of the Executive Branch. As President of the Senate, he is to cast a legislative vote if and when the congress is equally divided.2 This mild division of power will edge its way back into our topic toward the end, but before any authority is given, stronger attention must be placed on how one might achieve that post.

Article II, Section 1 put forth an Electoral College made up of delegates, or electors, from each state who would cast votes for two individuals. Presidential victory went to the candidate with the greatest majority. The Vice Presidency went to the candidate who held the next highest vote count. If, on the other hand, there was a tie between the two, supremacy would fall to the House of Representatives to “immediately chuse by ballot one of them for President.” 3

On the surface, this system may have seemed impartial, but with no provision for how these electors should be chosen, each state would develop their own particular methods.4 To make matters worse, the president’s greatest campaign opponent would therefore inherit succession. In other words, “the party and the political views that had lost the election would assume control of the government” if the president was dead or incapacitated. Congress would not recognize this as severely problematic until the tie election of 1800 between Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. The Twelfth Amendment in 1804 put an end to different party candidates.5 Such changes would not, however, remove the patterns created during the first fifteen years.

Throughout the process of constitutional development, John Adams, who was known for clinging to the political framework of Great Britain, began standing out as a prominent supporter of the convention.6 Joining with the Federalist agenda in 1788, he echoed the need for a strong central government by contrast to the Anti-Federalist agenda of limited national government.7 As James Madison of Virginia and Alexander Hamilton of New York debated with the states over a constitution absent of citizen rights, the combined efforts of each Federalist earned final approval and ratification by New Hampshire.8 During the process of these debates, Adams had composed and published A Defense of the Constitution of Government of the United States of America. In it, he is found to agree with Marchamont Nedham in saying that “the people are the best keepers of their own liberties.” 9 By such statements, he earned praise and allies from across the lines in conservative circles.10 Writing with a rather profound sense of depth was not new to him. For many years both in and out of the country, he tended to buy books that he disagreed with and write marginal notes that would often extend beyond the original text. “His marginalia is perhaps the most revealing about his views.” 11 At the close of the assembly, few had reason to doubt the likelihood that John Adams was a leading contender for the Vice Presidency.

“For president, none but George Washington could be considered.” This embodied a general assurance felt throughout the union that a Virginian was to be the chief executive.12 Newspapers would, as they do today, make early judgment calls in favor of Washington as the unanimous victor.13 Though he believed this election was “divinely ordained,” Benjamin Rush had lobbied for Adams to become the nation’s first president.14 Both Adams and Washington had met thirteen years earlier during the Continental Congress of 1775. Having initially given full support to Washington as the commander-in-chief of the army, the Massachusetts lawyer firmly opposed giving the general overwhelming power during the revolution. Washington’s military aide was Hamilton, the future Federalist who would later come back to haunt Adams’ legacy.15

During the autumn of 1788, several candidates made known their interest in the position of Vice President. George Clinton, the Governor of New York, put his hat briefly in the ring, but many hesitated because of his opposition to the constitution.16 Similar problems existed for Massachusetts Governor John Hancock and the famed Samuel Adams. Neither had “evidenced any hearty good will” for the constitution and experienced the political backhand of the electorate.17 Only the prior emergence of John Adams appeared to stand tallest.

Battling with his own self-perception, Adams had come to the belief that anything less than this title should be deemed “beneath himself.” 18 By his own admission vanity was his “cardinal vice and cardinal folly without the strictest caution and watchfulness” over himself. He often wondered if he might be “grasping at money or scheming for power.” 19 Regardless of his fluctuating confidence, he had earned favor throughout most of New England.

The acquisition of supporters became essential to his rise in popularity among voters. Virginia‘s Arthur Lee and Richard Henry Lee were Anti-Federalists who came to believe Adams would work toward a Bill of Rights. Pennsylvania residents Benjamin Rush and William Maclay supported him in the hopes that he might relocate the capital to Philadelphia.20 Regardless of expectations, there was a universal regard for Adams as a man of great integrity whom Madison pointed out as the only candidate outside of public office who was most likely to relish in “unprofitable dignity.” 21 Few could compete with his credentials such as signing the Declaration of Independence, negotiating peace with Great Britain, and composing the Defense.22

With overwhelming support going into the winter of 1788, John Adams knew little of the concerns brewing against him in New York. General Henry Knox appeared on his doorstep as the coolness of autumn faded. Their conversation was meant to be a reminder to Adams that he was far too distinguished to play second string to Washington. Departing without persuasive success, the general returned home. Alexander Hamilton, who had sent Knox to Massachusetts, saw the future Vice President as a potential threat to his professional ambitions.23 It wasn’t until fellow statesman from New York, Aaron Burr, aggressively pursued the position that Hamilton began heaping praise upon the little man from New England.24 Thus, a minority support grew out of necessity rather than favor.

In our present generation, one would find it absurd to imagine a leading presidential candidate not approving and ultimately supporting a running mate to serve second place. By that measure, the need for cooperative support has not changed. Benjamin Lincoln, a key advocate for Adams, sent a letter to George Washington to garner his support of the northern federalist.25 Washington’s response said, “I most solemnly declare, that whosoever shall be found to enjoy the confidence of the States so far as to be elected Vice President, cannot be disagreeable to me in that office. And even if I had any predilection, I flatter myself. I possess patriotism enough to sacrifice it at the shrine of my Country.” 26 The name of John Adams was never mentioned in his words, but he held enough respect for the decision that it should belong to the states, rather than his preference. While this may have seemed the honorable thing to do, passiveness assisted in the negative self-confidence of Adams. During the coming administration, Washington would be known for calling on John Jay and Thomas Jefferson for insights rather than his elected Vice President.27

Adams kept a close eye on the congressional elections that arrived in November. Finding a reasonable measure of peace, he faded into the background to await the formal announcement of his election. It was then that the young and crafty Hamilton went to work. Determined to “whittle away his electoral vote,” he had in mind to diminish both Adams’ popularity and his political power.28 Rationale for such action came from a realization “that if each Federalist elector cast one vote for Washington and one for Adams, the resulting tied vote would throw the election into the House of Representatives.” 29 In other words, Hamilton was encouraging men to “scatter their votes” in a manner such that Washington might be unanimous while Adams becomes an afterthought.30 Quite ingeniously, letters were written to potential electors in various states to redirect ballots in favor of other individuals. He asked New Jersey to redistribute three votes, Connecticut two, and Pennsylvania four. By doing so, he felt assured that the leading spot should unanimously go to George Washington without the involvement of Congress.31 With no inclination that there was reason for concern of meddling, John Adams patiently awaited the returns.

With the joyous prospect of a new year, Adams wrote to Jefferson on January 2, 1789 that “our fellow citizens are in the midst of their elections for the new government, which have hitherto in general run very well.” 32 Just five days later on January 7, the presidential electors were selected to set up the date on which they would cast their ballots. Unfortunately, the key state of New York was unable to pass legislation in time to select their eight necessary delegates, so along with Rhode Island and North Carolina, they could not participate on the chosen day of February 4 when ten other states participated. From there, votes were to be passed on to the Senate and House where they would be officially tallied on April 6.33 The New England candidate had every reason to be optimistic.

Throughout this period, Benjamin Rush offered reminders of the moderate campaign promises Adams had made regarding capital relocation to Philadelphia. On February 21, he wrote, “There is an expectation here that your influence will be exerted immediately in favor of a nation to center the federal government where the entire process of confederation was started thirteen years previously.” 34 Achieving the Vice Presidency was no longer a question. By March 1, Adams again wrote to Jefferson saying, “In four days, the new government is to be erected. Washington appears to have a unanimous vote: and there is probably a plurality if not a majority in favor of your friend.” 35 Such anticipation implied that he felt confident, if not a bit curious about the results of the Electoral College.

When Congress met on April 6 to confirm the outcome of the election, George Washington had received all sixty-nine electoral votes available while Adams only received thirty-four.36 Hamilton had been successful in his efforts to manipulate the system when the totals were laid out:

New Hampshire

George Washington - 5 Votes

John Adams - 5 Votes

Massachusetts

George Washington - 10 Votes

John Adams - 10 Votes

Connecticut

George Washington - 7 Votes

John Adams - 5 Votes

Samuel Huntington - 2 Votes

New Jersey

George Washington - 6 Votes

John Jay - 5 Votes

John Adams - 1 Vote

Delaware

George Washington - 3 Votes

John Jay - 3 Votes

Pennsylvania

George Washington - 10 Votes

John Adams - 8 Votes

John Hancock - 2 Votes

Maryland

George Washington - 6 Votes

Robert H. Harrison - 6 Votes

Virginia

George Washington - 10 Votes

John Adams - 5 Votes

George Clinton - 3 Votes

John Hancock - 1 Vote

John Jay - 1 Vote

South Carolina

George Washington - 7 Votes

John Rutledge - 6 Votes

John Hancock - 1 Vote

Georgia

George Washington - 5 Votes

John Milton - 2 Votes

James Armstrong - 1 Vote

Edward Telfair - 1 Vote

Benjamin Lincoln - 1 Vote

By simple observations, four out of the ten states casting ballots did not even include John Adams on their ticket.37 Among the states that held most impact in keeping his numbers high, Pennsylvania ultimately played a major role in bringing about his election.38 Without effect, these two or three key states would not cool his understandable reaction.

It was early March when Adams received word about his nearing confirmation by the Congress, but upon hearing that there was not a majority in his favor, he thought of resigning the post. Writing back to Rush, he said, “Is not my election to this office, in the scurvy manner in which it was done, a curse rather than a blessing? Is this justice? Is there common sense or decency in this business? Is it not an indelible stain on our country, our countrymen, and constitution? I assure you I think so.”39 Among his other comments included the idea that this machination was a “dark and dirty intrigue to spread a panic lest John Adams should be President.” In retrospect, we might understand this frustration, but living in the time, Hamilton felt that it was a display of “peevishness, jealousy, and vanity as to complain because a few votes were withheld.”40 Collective historians have noted that Adams may well have been the most deserving man for the presidency, but he may have been the most personally unsuitable for the job. He craved power, but could always pull himself back.41 Some go so far as to suggest there was a gap between what he represented in public view and who he really was in private.42 It was this battle within that led to his more patient decision to accept the results and move forward in the best interest of his nation. Turning it down, he had to know, would only lead to political disaster.

On April 13, Adams left his birthplace of Braintree, Massachusetts with a military convoy and procession that held approximately forty carriages.43 When he arrived in Boston, the environment was celebratory and crowds cheered his name. With all that he had been forced to process in the previous weeks, the event was “a balm for old slights and wounds, an armor against self-doubt.”44 His arrival in New York was no less praiseworthy as the most important Federalists waited on his every need.45

Entering the chamber of Congress on April 21, 1789 to take the oath of office, John Adams knew that, once again, the majority of cheers and supportive statements were in anticipation of someone more important than himself.46 Certainly it took great composure to offer the following words with his speech. “Unaccustomed to refuse any public service, however dangerous to my reputation or disproportionate to my talents, it would have been inconsistent to have adopted another maxim of conduct at this time, when the prosperity of the country and the liberties of the people require, perhaps as much as ever, the attention of those who possess any share of the public confidence.” Both the speech and the voice behind it were applauded, but it wasn’t long before his responsibilities as President of the Senate would have him right back in the hot seat.47

A formal and much more recognized inauguration was to be held for Washington on April 30, but it was the interim period from April 21 forward that led to some very early, heated problems in the Senate.48 Believing it very important, Adams stood up and began his argument:

“Gentlemen, I feel great difficulty how to act. I am possessed of two separate powers – the one in esse and the other in posse. I am Vice President. In this I am nothing, but I may be everything. But I am president also of the Senate. When the President comes into the Senate, what shall I be? I cannot be [president] then. No, gentlemen, I cannot, I cannot. I wish, gentlemen, to think what I shall be. The President will, I suppose, address the Congress. How shall I behave? How shall I receive it? Shall it be standing or sitting?” 49

Senators then debated a comparative situation to that of Parliament and proper addresses necessary for the king.50 The titled name of “King George” would have sounded ridiculous to Washington because they had spent the better part of their lives trying to overthrow “the other King George.” 51 Further protest came fearing that the constitution could immediately, without intent, turn America back into a “kingly government” that would lead back to the ascension of royalty.

Adams, the political powerhouse who had served diplomatically for Great Britain and long favored their constitutional system, was now being labeled in America as one who favored support of a constitutional monarchy. From his opening suggestion and throughout the summer, he argued that “titles were necessary to ensure proper respect for the new government and its officers.” 52 By the end of these disputes, Adams and the office of Vice President were to learn that the Senate did not want his meddling, the president did not count him as an advisor, and the people at large would forget he was there. Later reflections would have him calling this job “the most insignificant office ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived.” More than a hundred years later, John Nance, Vice President to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, bitterly remarked that “it isn’t worth a pitcher of warm spit.” 53

Many titles in government have long seemed forgettable, but few have been established to this measure. With enough prestige to lift a man up to the second highest title in the nation, the same degree of disregard allows him to drift out of sight immediately after the praise. For this reason alone, it stands as a perennial waiting period for those who generally have aspirations toward the higher office. No greater a man of the time could have filled those shoes of patience than the lawyer from Braintree who did, eventually, attain the coveted role of president. While many might suggest that his acceptance of the Vice Presidency under controversial circumstances was insignificant, I would assert that his renouncement of the title would have shaken the country. Founders knew, as we do today, that there was and is a need for confident leadership to rise up if something were to befall the president. For filling the first role of political understudy, we can treasure the national security of John Adams.